In 2025, working as a human rights defender in Russia means living under constant pressure from the State. Every active organisation has either been officially labelled a “foreign agent,” or this label has been applied to its founders, directors, or staff members. 

The “foreign agent” label isn’t just a legal status—it’s a stigma. It signals to the public that you’re an enemy, a spy. As a result, many people are afraid to seek help from us, even when their rights are being violated.

Our work has become exhausting. We spend a huge amount of time preparing reports for the authorities, and every article, social media post, or leaflet we publish has to be marked with a warning label. Failing to do this—or making a mistake—can lead to large fines. Some organisations have been fined hundreds of thousands of roubles. Worse still, since last year, criminal cases have been opened against people labelled “foreign agents.” Around 100 criminal investigations [at the time this interview was held] are currently ongoing, and the threat of serious jail time has forced many colleagues to either stop working or leave the country.

Another major threat is the growing list of “undesirable organisations”—many of them international groups that used to support us. Now, even giving an interview to such a group or reposting their materials can be treated as a crime.

Read more: At the 60th session of the UN Human Rights Council, Human Rights House Foundation (HRHF) raised concern over emblematic reprisals against civil society for engaging with the Council, highlighting the politically motivated detention of Azerbaijani human rights defender Anar Mammadli and the designation of HRHF as an “undesirable organisation” in Russia.

With Russia’s exit from the Council of Europe, people here have lost access to the European Court of Human Rights. That used to be a last resort when justice couldn’t be found at home. Now that door is closed.

We’re also seeing terrifying new trends. One is the recruitment of people accused or convicted of torture into the military. They’re sent to the frontlines instead of facing trial. This creates a cycle of impunity: commit a crime, go to war, return, and commit another.

Repression is growing—and so are the risks

Compared to even a few years ago, the situation is much worse. Criminal cases and administrative charges against activists are on the rise. Russia no longer cares about international criticism. The authorities now use anti-Western rhetoric to justify attacks on human rights, painting us as “foreign puppets” and “enemies of traditional values.”

Working on anything related to the military has become especially dangerous. 

Lawyers and activists who deal with hazing, abuse, or cases involving soldiers are being watched closely and forced into silence. This makes it harder for them to get support or funding. In one case, an organisation was raided after they tried to help a soldier who had been tortured. 

New threats on the horizon

Some of the most disturbing trends today include people being forced to record public apologies on video, as well as police raids on bars and clubs—not limited to LGBT venues—that often involve beatings and forced patriotic singing. 

Public protests are now almost entirely banned unless they are in support of the government, while events organised by human rights defenders are regularly disrupted. 

State-backed vigilante groups intimidate, assault, and even torture migrants and activists. There is also a complete ban on LGBT expression, with the entire movement officially labelled “extremist,” making any open display or support a criminal offence.

Continuing despite the risks

Those of us still working inside Russia have to follow the law—even when the law is meant to crush us. We file reports, use the required labels, and jump through bureaucratic hoops. Some activists who left the country try to keep working, but doing so puts them at even greater risk of prosecution if they return.

Some groups have stopped accepting international funding and are trying to raise money inside the country. Others use cryptocurrency, though that’s becoming more restricted too. The reality is that without outside help, many initiatives just can’t survive.

But there’s a bright spot. More and more ordinary people are offering their support—donating, volunteering, showing up. 

For example, an organisation created a volunteer network to respond to the growing number of requests they receive, and hundreds of people have signed up.

What we need now

One of our biggest challenges is burnout. The pressure, the fear, the feeling of being watched—it wears you down. Some groups now offer mental health support for their staff: therapy, retreats, and sessions with psychologists. It’s essential, especially since even speaking out about the war can land you in court or in jail.

Security—both digital and physical—is another huge concern. We organise training on how to deal with interrogations, searches, or crossing borders safely. Many of us live with the constant fear that any public comment could be used against us.

There’s also been an increase in mutual support. Some NGOs have begun offering legal advice specifically for those labeled “foreign agents.” There’s more collaboration now than ever before.

Russian civil society–some of us are still here

Fewer and fewer human rights defenders remain inside Russia. Many have been forced to leave, close their organisations, or stop working altogether. Those who stay must either fully comply with state rules, go underground, or find creative new ways to continue helping people. 

Defending human rights in Russia is a lonely, exhausting, and often dangerous path. But some of us are still here—because someone has to be.

You might be interested in: Crisis Point in Russia (2021). The environment for human rights defenders and organisations in Russia is increasingly dire. In this report published in 2021, Human Rights House Foundation outlines the impact of the sweeping crackdown and use of increasingly restrictive and repressive legislation in Russia on the work of Russian civil society domestically and internationally, providing recommendations to the international community and the Russian authorities.