Valentina Melnikova, the chairperson of the new party “Soldiers’ Mothers” told Gazeta.ru why there was a need for the party and of the importance of a peace settlement in the Chechen Republic. While liberal parties are trying — in vain, it must be said — to forge a coalition, a party of a new type is being established in the Russian Federation. The United People’s Party of Soldiers’ Mothers belongs neither to the right nor to the left wing. (09-MAR-05)
Public opinion polls held by the Levada Center in October showed that 72 percent of respondents approved of the activities of the Committee of Soldiers’ Mothers.
Even President Vladimir Putin would envy such popularity. Moreover, even the initiative of the Soldiers’ Mothers to act as an intermediary in Russia’s talks with Chechen separatists won the support of 65 percent of the respondents, although most Russians tend to disapprove of the idea of holding such talks.
A year ago you announced plans to establish a party that was to become a political instrument of the Soldiers’ Mothers Committees. How is that process going? Have you received any support?
The situation changed on Dec. 30, 2004, when the so-called defense minister announced the government’s plans to cancel all draft deferments, and all talented people and students will be subject to conscription. Ever since then our organization has held meetings across the Russian Federation — in the southern region, in the Far East and Siberia. People are willing to join us, which means that we do have public support.
Your movement was established as an instrument to combat the obsolete Soviet-era military machine. What are the political objectives of your party?
The party doesn’t need to deal with the Soviet army but with the government that cares neither for the army nor for our youth.
Back in 1995, when we first considered creating a party of own we were told that there was no need, that there were politicians to take care of such matters. To solve the issues linked to the abolition of draft serfdom, to promote our proposals, we used the political instruments that were available at the time, such as the State Duma committees, the Federation Council, governors, regional legislatures.
But following the 2003 elections to the State Duma [where the pro-Kremlin United the Russian Federation party secured the majority of the seats in the parliament] we realized that no political mechanisms remained; they stopped functioning. We no longer had a way of defending the rights of the people who sought our help.
Why do we say that the system has stopped functioning? You see, we are concerned with a very narrow sphere. We work to protect disabled conscripts who receive a meager pension of only 1,100 rubles.
Our colleague, a member of the human rights commission, complained to Vladimir Putin about the situation. Putin instructed his government to take measures. Three months later comrade [Mikhail] Zurabov, chairman of the Pension Fund of the Russian Federation, wrote to us asking for a detailed list of all the disabled conscripts because, he said, he did not know the exact number. Then, we thought, maybe each of them would receive aid…
But, all our attempts to ask the president for assistance have eventually failed, and we no longer see any point in discussing our concerns with him. That means the president’s rule is not effective — anyone can ignore his instructions. The State Duma, too, has denied us its support regarding draft deferments.
It transpires that there is no force in this country to protect the interests of families with conscripts, or ex-servicemen who have to deal with the consequences of military service. Most young people coming back from the Chechen Republic suffer post-traumatic stress disorders. Yet, there is no one here to help them, no psychological services. Young men turn into alcoholics and drug addicts in the Chechen Republic, and when they come back their families have to deal with the problem on their own.
What prompted you to reveal your plans for talks with the Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov, at the same time as announcing the creation of your party? Wasn’t that a mistake?
It depends on how you look at it. From the point of view of the people whose interests we represent any peace imitative is welcomed. The second Chechen war has left over 12,000 people dead. Speaking of the possible reaction from the authorities, we made no mistake either. Our initiative has caused quite a commotion. All the pro-Moscow Chechen officials and the foreign minister made statements on the issue.
At first they all shouted out in fright, saying we mustn’t, but then [Alu] Alkhanov, (Chechnya’s pro-Moscow president) admitted that talks need to be held.
Our initiative raised the issue of military operations and a peace settlement in the Chechen Republic. Before that everyone had been silent, nobody wrote anything, nobody spoke about the problem. We all are told there is no war in the Chechen Republic, that the anti-terrorist operation has long been completed, that Chechens are building a water park and the Akhmad Kadyrov museum. Our move has forced them to talk and to discuss the matter. We have challenged the media blockade…
A human rights activist who meets Putin regularly told me it was useless trying to discuss the Chechen Republic with him. The issue is so sensitive for him he reacts painfully even to the mention of the word “Chechnya”. But still we must force them to discuss a peace settlement.
Source: www.mosnews.com
