This testimony has been edited for length and flow.

Protecting LGBTIQ+ People in the North Caucasus

“NC SoS works with LGBTIQ+ people in the North Caucasus and supports those facing systematic violence. Each year, we handle around thirty-four evacuations, in addition to ongoing psychological and legal support for those who remain in the region. Beyond evacuations, we provide security consultations, help with interaction with social services, and find temporary solutions for those who cannot yet leave.”

“Both men and women reach out to us for help, but most requests now come from women.” 

“Men are often detained by security forces, especially in Chechnya — some end up in detention centers, others are forcibly sent to the frontlines. Women have more opportunities to reach out to us. Most are young, between sixteen and twenty-five years old, digitally literate, and connected through closed online groups or word of mouth. Public stories of rescue encourage others to believe that help is possible. Importantly, the number of appeals is growing — both because people learn more about us, and because violence itself has reached an unbearable level.”

Women usually reach out because of imminent threats of ‘honour’ violence, forced marriage, abduction by relatives, or being outed online; typical cases include a young woman tracked through family networks after a leaked chat, or a student threatened with forced marriage after her phone was searched. 

“Men contact us less often because many are detained early by security forces—especially in Chechnya—where phones are scanned for chats and photos, beatings and threats are used to extract ‘confessions,’ and men are given a choice between a fabricated criminal case or signing a military contract to be sent to the front. In recent months, we’ve handled multiple evacuations triggered by these patterns, including preventing a deportation after relatives located a woman abroad and relocating a man who was coerced into recording a ‘confession’ video after a mass raid.”

The situation gets worse every year

“In big cities, biometric practices are being introduced. Obtaining documents inside Russia has become very difficult: everything is tied to the ‘Gosuslug’ portal (Portal of Public Services of the Russian Federation), and leaving the country without a military ID is almost impossible.”

Every year it gets worse. Surveillance has intensified: we see real-time tracking of movements, pressure on families, and broader, faster access by investigators to national registries. 

“In practice, this means they can quickly query a person’s Gosuslugi profile, passport and residence registration, draft/mobilisation register, recent border-crossing and ticketing data, SIM-card and phone registration, and property/vehicle records—and pair this with camera networks in big cities. With a few requests, they can find a current address, relatives’ contacts, planned travel, or an attempt to apply for documents, and use that information to intercept someone or force a return.”

Russia has declared the “international LGBTIQ+ movement” extremist. This means that any work on LGBTIQ+ protection inside Russia is criminalized. 

“About twenty percent of our team remains in Russia, and for them the risks are enormous. Any contact with us can be used as grounds for criminal prosecution. What helps us survive is strict operational discipline and constant adaptation. Since 2017, we have been forced to continuously readjust our protocols.”

The patterns of persecution in the North Caucasus

In the North Caucasus, there is no safe public LGBTIQ+ life — essentially nothing is possible. People are targeted simply for being gay or trans. 

“Typical persecution looks like this: families carry out violence and control through abductions by relatives, beatings, forced ‘confessions,’ forced marriage, and being taken back home from other regions or countries. Local police often cooperate with families, calling them in, handing people over, or threatening them together, with phones searched on the spot.” 

“In Chechnya specifically, abuse includes extrajudicial detention, torture, and forced ‘apology’ videos, with men pressured to choose between prison or the frontline. Raids and entrapment are common, including dating-app stings and raids on cafes, bars, or private flats, where any rainbow symbol or private chat can be used as ‘evidence.’ There is no community space at all—meetings, support groups, or public talks are all dangerous, and any attempt is treated as ‘extremism.’”

Because of this, the only work still possible inside the region is quiet, one-to-one harm-reduction: safety tips, emergency shelter, and evacuation, while structured support has to be coordinated from outside.

Transnational repression 

“Russia initiates fake criminal cases and sends requests abroad. In Armenia and Kazakhstan, such requests are often implemented automatically, without context analysis. This forces us to rescue people already from a ‘third country,’ which makes the work much more complex.”

“In one case in Georgia, relatives located a woman, and the situation became critical. Initially, the police refused to help, but later, it was possible to prevent her deportation. This can be called a ‘half-successful’ case.”

“There are also tragedies: sometimes we cannot save a life, and then at least we push for opening a ‘criminal case’ — in a situation of total impunity, this is also important.”

“For men, the pattern is different: they are detained, their phones and documents confiscated, ‘compromising evidence’ extracted (including intimate messages), and they are given a choice — prison or the frontlines. We see systematic violence, forced mobilization, and a complete lack of guarantees.”

Regional Differences

“Chechnya is the most dangerous region and has virtually no legal safeguards. People face extrajudicial detention, torture, forced “apology” videos, and pressure to choose prison or the frontline.”

“Ingushetia is the second harshest, but some work is still possible through lawyers—meaning a lawyer can sometimes get into a police station, be present during questioning, file urgent complaints, secure a medical exam, challenge an illegal detention in court, and occasionally negotiate a release or prevent a forced return to family.”

“In Dagestan, it’s a mixed picture. Repression is heavy—phone checks, raids, family pressure, and cases opened over “extremist symbols” or online posts—but there are moments of procedural engagement: police may allow lawyer access, register a complaint, accept motions, or pause an unlawful transfer. In a few cases, with a lawyer’s intervention, charges are reduced or dropped, or a person is quietly allowed to leave the region.”

International Mechanisms

“Since Russia’s withdrawal from the Council of Europe, the ECtHR has effectively been closed, and urgent measures are rarely effective. UN procedures are slow and seldom effective. We continue to submit reports and prepare regular materials for mandate holders — it is important, but the impact is limited.” 

Re-launching the OSCE Moscow Mechanism would signal to the Russian authorities that human-rights abuses are not treated as a ‘domestic matter’: participating States are ready to document violations publicly, attribute responsibility, and use the findings to sustain political pressure, sanctions designations, and evidence files for future proceedings.

“Still, there are occasional successes: recently, international pressure helped prevent the extradition of a Russian human rights defender from Kyrgyzstan. This proves that political will can still change outcomes.”

Humanitarian visas, universal jurisdiction, and financial and organisational support– how internationals can help 

“What we need from international partners is very concrete. First of all, support with visas and rapid exit schemes is critical. For LGBTIQ+ people, humanitarian visas are almost never issued, and without them, it is often impossible to save lives.”

“Financial support is another urgent issue: after our accounts were frozen, we lost around thirty per cent of our budget, and could only cover a small part of this gap. At the same time, many international programs supporting Russian human rights defenders have been shut down, while the number of requests we receive keeps growing.”

“Equally important is the use of universal jurisdiction. It is crucial to identify the whereabouts of those responsible for torture and transfer this information to European jurisdictions. We maintain a non-public database and are ready to share materials securely. This helps not only to protect victims but also to hold perpetrators accountable.”

“Sustained support for organizations in exile is also essential, because without resources, defenders lose the ability to function. We also need access to international platforms where Russian human rights defenders can speak directly and safely. Without this, the global agenda loses its connection to reality. Finally, there must be public recognition that protecting LGBTIQ+ people and women in the North Caucasus is not a migration issue but a matter of life and death.”

“Even without funds, people can help through accompaniment, translation, or information work. But safety comes first.” 

“When sharing stories from the North Caucasus, use informed consent, anonymize names and locations unless the person explicitly wants to be public, and avoid operational details (routes, dates, safe houses, contacts).” 

“Public attention can save lives—if it doesn’t expose victims or helpers in the process.”